CPD IN THE NEWS

Behind Frenemy Lines - May 10, 2014, by Jason Stanford - This is a typical day for Greg Abbott’s gubernatorial bid: He goes into the office, screws up his own campaign and goes home. If it weren’t for his mistakes—Ted Nugent, thanking a supporter who called Wendy Davis “retard Barbie”, calling South Texas a “Third-World Country”, and his bungled opposition to equal pay come to mind—Abbott would seem to have no campaign at all. But it’s when you separate the wheat from the gaffe on education that Abbott’s campaign looks like a disaster waiting to happen.

The negative coverage of Abbott’s education plan—and boy howdy has there been a lot—is focused on Abbott’s mistakes. His education plan cites Charles Murray, whose retrograde views on race and gender got him called a “White Nationalist” by the Southern Poverty Law Center. On page 20, his plan calls for “standardized tests” in pre-K. As a dodge, his campaign spokesmanclaimed that was in the plan “for informational purposes only.” And then he cancels campaign events at public schools when the Davis campaign points out that the schools are suing him over funding cuts.

But behind this façade of denials, backpedaling, and obliviousness sits the luckiest man in American politics, because almost no one has bothered to discuss his idea to create “takeover districts” for low-performing schools. He has reportedly modeled his plan on the privatization reforms in New Orleans.

That last bit should scare you. Education reformers—that is, those who think private charters would do better than public schools at educating poor children—call the Recovery School District in New Orleans a success. If the RSD is a success, I’m the third baseman for the Baltimore Orioles. No matter how much I wish that to be true, the facts say otherwise. Here’s why:

No one argues that schools in New Orleans were turning out Harvard scholars by the boatload, so the legislature created the RSD, a takeover district as Abbott has conceived. Davis also supports recovery districts, but Abbott likes the New Orleans model in which “failing” schools would be run by private charters that promised to get the schools shipshape and back into the public school system within five years.

Before taking a look at the results, we must first figure out what “failure” means, because they keep moving that target. RSD used to takeover any school that failed to get a passing score of 60 on the state performance index. After Katrina, the legislature changed that to allow RSD to scoop up any school that fell short of the state’s 87.4 average. The New Orleans private charter district took over 94 schools, 26 of which met the old passing standard. The state redefined failure to mean below average so more schools could get privatized.

Almost a decade later, the takeover district in New Orleans has failed to turn around even one school, so “improvement” became the new goal. Not one school has received an “A” or even a “B” grade. In fact, RSD stopped disclosing the grades their schools received, preferring to publicize percentages of improvement without disclosing the underlying data or that they were cherry-picking the data every year, making it impossible to honestly chart progress. By their original standards, though, all the RSD schools are still failing.

Remember, Louisiana was throwing millions of tax dollars at what were essentially startup small businesses. Fraud and bankruptcy are commonplace, and if you think that’s confined to New Orleans, think again.

Integrity in Education and the Center for Popular Democracy looked at 15 states that have charter schools, one of which was Texas and found “rampant fraud, waste and abuse,” according to a report released last week. The two groups found numerous cases of embezzlement, misuse of tax dollars, child endangerment, bilking taxpayers for services not rendered, inflated enrollment numbers, and general mismanagement. Private charters are running schools like a business. Unfortunately, that business is Wall Street.

It’s never the schools in the wealthy neighborhoods that get taken over. On average, poor children score worse than their wealthier peers. We have always known that, but we cannot get poor children to achieve in school simply by insisting they act like wealthy children.

Now Abbott is using the false dogma of education reform as cover to give up on public schools. Giving up on public schools will not fix public schools, but if Abbott becomes governor, he’ll go into the office every morning, screw up public schools, and go home.

Don’t say you weren’t warned.

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Brooklyn City Councilman Brad Lander is advertising for a communications director who, in addition to fulfilling the standard checklist of duties, can also help the Democrat “resist the injustice, hatred, and corruption posed by the Trump regime.”

In an unusual listing that has been posted to several job boards, including Idealist, Lander is looking for a staffer to see beyond New York City, and to keep an eye on the actions of President-elect Donald Trump.

The ideal candidate  should be able to implement Lander's communications and media program while also defending against what the councilman calls the threat "to American democratic values and vulnerable constituencies." The goal, according to the ad, is to help "build a more just, inclusive, and sustainable NYC.”

A minimum of three to four years of communications experience — ideally in New York City — is required for the job, as is a sense of humor, according to the listing. The job includes a “competitive salary,” which was not specified but reported to be in the range of $61,000 to $67,000 a year, according to the New York Daily News.

Lander, an outspoken councilmember who was once arrested for blocking traffic to support striking car washers in Park Slope, is co-founder of the Council’s progressive caucus. He is also incoming board chairman of Local Progress, a nationwide network of self-described progressive local officials.

By Alexi Friedman

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New York Times - July 17, 2013, by Kirk Semple - New York City plans to spend $18 million over the next two years to help young unauthorized immigrants qualify for a federal program that grants a temporary reprieve from deportation, officials announced on Wednesday.

The money will add 16,000 seats to adult education classes throughout the city, and priority for those slots will be given to immigrants who might qualify for the reprieve.

While more than 20,500 immigrants in New York State have already been granted the reprieve, known as deferred action, city officials have estimated that about 16,000 others in New York City alone would satisfy all the conditions save for the requirement that they have a high school diploma or General Educational Development certificate, or be currently enrolled in school.

The project — the largest investment made by any municipality in the nation to help immigrants obtain the deferral, city officials said — is one of two new immigrant-assistance initiatives that will receive significant injections of public money in the current fiscal year, which began July 1.

The other budget allocation, which the city plans to announce formally on Friday, will pay for a pilot program that will create what immigrants’ advocates say will be the nation’s first public defender system for immigrants facing deportation.

Together, the two programs further cement New York’s reputation as one of the most immigrant-friendly cities in the nation. They also come at a time when a push for comprehensive immigration reform that would include a path to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants has met stiff resistance among Republicans in the House of Representatives.

In a news conference in City Hall on Wednesday, Christine C. Quinn, the City Council speaker, seemed to allude to sclerotic politics on Capitol Hill, saying the Council’s budget decisions send a message to the rest of the nation “that local government can take action while we wait for comprehensive immigration reform.”

The federal deportation reprieve was announced by the Obama administration in June 2012. To qualify, an applicant must have arrived in the United States before reaching his or her 16th birthday and been younger than 31 as of June 15, 2012, among other requirements. Recipients of the reprieve, which is subject to renewal after two years, are legally allowed to work and, in many states, obtain a driver’s license.

More than 400,500 people across the nation have been granted the deferral; for many others, the educational requirement has been a major hurdle.

For years, adult education programs in the city have been swamped by huge demand yet been hamstrung by financial shortfalls.

Of the $18 million allocation, $13.7 million will be provided to community-based organizations through the Youth and Community Development Department and used for outreach and the increase in seats. The remaining $4.3 million will help expand related education programs offered through the City University of New York, like English for Speakers of Other Languages and General Educational Development.

In recent days, immigrants’ advocates have also been celebrating the City Council’s decision to help pay for another initiative: the allocation of $500,000 in its current budget for a network of legal service providers to represent immigrants facing deportation.

Defendants in immigration court, unlike those in criminal court, have no constitutional right to a court-appointed lawyer. Hampered by language barriers, lack of money or ignorance, most end up trying to fight their deportation alone — almost always with poor outcomes.

According to a recent study, 60 percent of detained immigrants in the New York region did not have counsel at the time their cases were completed. Of those without counsel, only 3 percent won their cases, compared with 18 percent of those with counsel.

Proponents of the program, called the New York Immigrant Family Unity Project, said it would cost about $8.7 million to provide legal representation for the 2,800 or so immigrants living in New York State who are detained and face deportation every year. The city allocation, however, will help cover the cost of a pilot program to represent just 135 immigrants. Advocates said that despite its limited reach, the pilot program would give them a chance to test their theories and demonstrate the potential impact of a broader plan.

The program will not only help keep families together, argued Andrew Friedman, executive director of the Center for Popular Democracy, an advocacy group that helped to lobby for the financing, but will also create “an innovative model program” for other municipalities to replicate.

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Efforts to fill top positions at some U.S. Federal Reserve regional branches are casting a spotlight on a decades-old process that critics say is opaque, favors insiders, and is ripe for reform.

Patrick Harker took the reins as president of the Philadelphia Fed this week, in an appointment that attracted scrutiny because he served on the committee of directors that interviewed other prospective candidates for the job he ultimately took.

The Dallas Fed has been without a permanent president for more than three months as that search process stretches well into its eighth month. And the Fed's Minneapolis branch abruptly announced the departure of its leader, Narayana Kocherlakota, more than a year before he was due to go, with no replacement named to date.

The delays and reliance on Fed employees in picking regional Fed presidents can only embolden Republican Senator Richard Shelby to push harder for a makeover of the central bank's structure, which has changed little in its 101 years.

A bill passed in May by the Senate Banking Committee that Shelby chairs would strip the New York Fed's board of its power to appoint its presidents. And it could go further, given the bill would form a committee to consider a wholesale overhaul of the Fed's structure of 12 districts, which has not changed through the decades of shifting U.S. populations and an evolving economy.

The bill is part of a broader conservative effort to expose the central bank to more oversight, and some analysts saw the Philadelphia Fed's choice as reinforcing the view that the Fed needs to open up more to outsiders.

Nine of 11 current regional presidents came from within the Fed, a proportion that has edged up over time. Twenty years ago, seven of 12 were insiders.

"The process seems to create a diverse set of candidates in which the insider is almost always accepted," said Aaron Klein, director of a financial regulatory reform effort at the Bipartisan Policy Center.

Since it was created in 1913, the central bank's decentralized structure was meant to check the power of Washington, where seven Fed governors with permanent votes on policy are appointed by the White House and approved by the Senate.

The 12 Fed presidents who are picked by their regional boards usually vote on policy every two or three years, and they tend to hold more diverse views.

Former Richmond Fed President Alfred Broaddus told Reuters the regional Fed chiefs have more freedom "to do and say things that may not be politically popular" because they are not politically appointed. "On the other hand, there is the question of legitimacy since they are appointed by local boards who are not elected."

"TONE DEAF"

Two-thirds of regional Fed directors are selected by local bankers, while the rest are appointed by the Fed's Board of Governors in Washington.

Critics question how well those regional boards - mostly made of the heads of corporations and industry groups meant to represent the public - fulfill their mission.

Last year, a non-profit group representing labor unions and community leaders organized by the Center for Popular Democracy, urged the Fed's Philadelphia and Dallas branches to make the selection of their presidents more transparent and to include a member of the public in the effort.

Philadelphia's Fed in particular proved "tone deaf" in its head-hunting effort, said Lou Crandall, chief economist at Wrightson ICAP in Jersey City, New Jersey.

Harker was a Philadelphia Fed director when the board started looking to replace president Charles Plosser, who left on March 1, and he was among the six directors who interviewed more than a dozen short-listed candidates for the job, according to the Philadelphia Fed.

But on Feb. 18, Harker floated his own name, recused himself from the process and a week later his colleagues on the board unanimously appointed him as the new president.

While the selection follows Fed guidelines and was approved by its Board of Governors, it raised questions of transparency and fairness.

"The Philadelphia Fed's search process might have made perfect sense in a corporate environment, but is obviously problematic for an official institution," said Crandall.

The board's chair and vice chair, Swathmore Group founder James Nevels and Michael Angelakis of Comcast Corp, respectively, declined to comment, as did Harker.

Peter Conti-Brown, an academic fellow at Stanford Law School's Rock Center for Corporate Governance, and an expert witness at a Senate Banking Committee hearing this year, proposed to let the Fed Board appoint and fire regional Fed presidents or at least have a say in the selection process.

In the past, reform proposals for the 12 regional Fed banks have focused on decreasing or increasing their number and their governance.

Changes to the way the regional Fed bosses are chosen could strengthen the influence of lawmakers at the expense of regional interests.

For now, delays in appointments of new chiefs force regional banks to send relatively unknown deputies to debate monetary policy at meetings in Washington, as Dallas and Philadelphia did last month when the Fed considered raising interest rates for the first time in nearly a decade.

The Minneapolis Fed still has time to find a new president before Kocherlakota steps down at year end.

"For now the Fed criticism is just noise, mostly from Republicans," said Greg Valliere, chief political strategist at Potomac Research Group. "But once the Fed begins to raise interest rates ... then the left will weigh in as well."

(Additional reporting Ann Saphir in San Francisco; Editing by Tomasz Janowski)

Source: Reuters